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英语演讲稿

时间：2023-12-15 07:44:09 演讲稿我要投稿

英语经典演讲稿

　　使用正确的写作思路书写演讲稿会更加事半功倍。随着社会一步步向前发展，演讲稿与我们的生活息息相关，那么，怎么去写演讲稿呢？以下是小编收集整理的英语经典演讲稿，仅供参考，希望能够帮助到大家。

英语经典演讲稿

英语经典演讲稿1

　　I have a wonderful dream in my heart。 It's to speak English very well。Since English is everything for me。 English is my best friend.English is mysoul。 English is my power。 Without English，I'm nothing at all。 Nothing。 Now，Ican think in English，speak in English，and write in English. Some people thinkI'm an Indian。 Some people regard I'm a Pakistan. And some people even considerthat I'm an Egyptian. But if I could speak English as good as an American，myfuture would be brilliant. So I work very hard.

英语经典演讲稿2

　　Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and AIDS. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not selfcongratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.

　　I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of AIDS is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is despite it all the epidemic which is winning tonight.

　　In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that AIDS virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.

　　Tonight, I represent an AIDS community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.

　　This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, AIDS is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.

　　We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.

　　My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.

　　With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.

　　We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.

　　My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”

　　The The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.

　　Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward AIDS in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to AIDS, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.

　　My 84yearold father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.

　　But not all of you But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word AIDS. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.

　　Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.

　　I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of AIDS firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.

　　To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, "You are at risk." And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.

　　To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word "AIDS" when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.

　　God bless the children, and God bless us all.

　　Good night.

英语经典演讲稿3

　　大家好，我今天演讲的题目是“我的梦想”。

　　每个人都有梦想，而且很好，我也不例外。我有一个小小的梦想，当我达到目标时，我会实现更多的梦想。开始，我还是个婴儿，一心想变得很强壮，像少林寺里的孩子一样，武功高强。但是我觉得离开父母去很远的地方练武，辛苦，有点舍不得。小时候，我有一个梦想，我希望我有钱。大人问：小姑娘，有了钱你打算怎么办？我要去买泡泡糖"如果你有很多钱？

　　我打算买很多泡泡糖。"如果你有钱花的话？我会买泡泡糖工厂。"天真的童年我们的确有一颗善良的心，幸福和快乐是同一首曲子。

　　慢慢进入小学，课程越来越深，知识越来越多。会感受到压力。现在我有一个梦想。我希望我没有；我每天没有很多作业要做。玩的有点剥夺，而我们40%的日子都禁锢在教室里，很多时间都在学习。但是在学习面前，是一种模糊的知识。俗话说，一种罕见的.困惑。对事物的理解，从封建主义到资本主义，越大越觉得自己的观点是正确的。每天放学回家后忙了一天一夜的课，他又困又累，吃不到深夜吃的食物。这样的生活很单调，可能有时候会想念我的很多小学同学，有时候会带着一节课或者一副朦胧的睡相。讨厌死板的校服，我从来不到处穿。周六，周日；时间很短，孩子很想磨炼，慢慢了解生活；太难了，努力吧，梦想好了，我会努力让每个人都生活起来，早起晚睡，把握住自己，不再松懈。我也想为他们的梦想而奋斗。

　　我的演讲结束了，谢谢！

英语经典演讲稿4

亲爱的老师和同学们：

　　我很高兴在这里说点什么。这时，我想谈谈我的爱好。

　　我有很多爱好。首先，我喜欢玩电子游戏。电脑游戏很酷。我可以玩一整天。第二，我喜欢各种运动。我喜欢新鲜空气和阳光。和朋友踢足球很有趣。

　　在海里游泳是我最喜欢的`。我也喜欢在家画画。此外，我喜欢音乐。我喜欢唱歌。我经常在街上散步时唱电影歌曲。当然，我每天都学英语。如你所知，英语在世界各地都被使用。所以我学英语很努力。我希望有一天我能环游世界，和外国人说英语。

　　还有更多我喜欢做的。还有我想说的。也许下次我可以告诉你更多。谢谢大家的倾听。

英语经典演讲稿5

尊敬的各位领导、老师：

　　大家下午好！我叫xx，原来在xx小学工作，近几年来一直从事小学英语的教学，今年因工作调动，调整到我们xx小学工作，我感到非常的高兴，同时，也非常感谢我们学校领导能给我这样一次展示自我、成就自我的机会。我今天我竞聘的岗位是三、四年级的英语教学。

　　首先我说一下自己的基本情况和工作业绩：我xx年毕业于xx师专数学系，后分配到xx中学从事数学教学，xx年开始改教初中英语，xx年因身体状况，调入小学从事小学英语教学至今，xx年自考大学本科毕业，xx年被评为中学一级教师。

　　自工作以来，我一直兢兢业业，勤奋工作，所教科目成绩一直据全镇前列，特别是近几年来从事小学英语教学，所教班级多次获得全镇第一名，个人也多次被评为镇教育先进工作者、优秀教师，区优秀教师，个人年考核优秀等次的荣誉称号，并有多篇论文在市级报纸发表。

　　下面我谈一下，我竞聘英语教师的几个优势和条件：

　　1。有良好的师德

　　我为人处事的原则是：老老实实做人，认认真真工作，开开心心生活。自己一贯注重个人品德素质的培养，努力做到尊重领导，团结同志，工作负责，办事公道，不计较个人得失，对工作对同志有公心，爱心，平常心和宽容心。自从参加工作以来，我首先在师德上严格要求自己，要做一个合格的人民教师！认真学习和领会上级教育主管部门的文件精神，与时俱进，爱岗敬业，为人师表，热爱学生，尊重学生，争取让每个学生都能享受到最好的教育，都能有不同程度的发

　　2。有较高的专业水平

　　我从xx师专数学系毕业后曾到xx师范大学进修英语教学培训，系统而又牢固地掌握了英语教学的专业知识。多年来始终在教学第一线致力于小学英语教学及研究，使自己的专业知识得到进一步充实、更新和扩展。

　　3。有较强的教学能力

　　从选择教师这门职业的第一天起，我最大的心愿就是做一名受学生欢迎的好老师，为了这个心愿，我一直在不懈努力着。要求自己做到牢固掌握本学科的基本理论知识。

　　熟悉相关学科的文化知识，不断更新知识结构，精通业务，精心施教，把握好教学的难点重点，认真探索教学规律，钻研教学艺术，努力形成自己的教学特色。我的教学风格和教学效果普遍受到学生的认可和欢迎。

　　以上所述情况，是我竞聘英语教师的.优势条件，假如我有幸竞聘上岗，这些优势条件将有助于我更好的开展英语教学工作。

　　如果我有幸竞聘成功，能担任三四年级英语教师的话，我将从以下方面开展工作。

　　一是认真贯彻执行党的教育路线、方针、政策和学校的各项决定，加强学习，积极进取，求真务实，开拓创新，不断提高自己的综合素质、创新能力，用自己的勤奋加智慧，完成好教学任务。使我校的英语教学上一个大的台阶。

　　二是做一个科研型的教师。教师的从教之日，正是重新学习之时。新时代要求教师具备的不只是操作技巧，还要有直面新情况、分析新问题、解决新矛盾的本领。进行目标明确、有针对性解决我校的英语教学难题。

　　做一个理念新的教师

　　目前，新一轮的基础教育改革早已在我市全面推开，作为新课改的实践者，要在认真学习新课程理念的基础上，结合自己所教的学科，积极探索有效的教学方法。大力改革教学，积极探索实施创新教学模式。把英语知识与学生的生活相结合，为学生创设一个富有生活气息的真实的学习情境，同时注重学生的探究发现，引导学生在学习中学会合作交流，提高学习能力。

　　做一个富有爱心的老师

　　“不爱学生就教不好学生”，“爱学生就要爱每一个学生”。作为一名教师，要无私地奉献爱，处处播洒爱，使我的学生在爱的激励下，增强自信，勇于创新，不断进取，成长为撑起祖国一片蓝天的栋梁。用质朴的心爱护学生，用诚挚的情感染学生，用精湛的教学艺术熏陶学生，用忘我的工作态度影响学生。

　　尊敬的各位领导，各位老师，我会珍惜现有的每一个机会，努力工作，发挥出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、饱满的热情上好自己的英语课程，享受我的教学乐趣！

　　最后我想说：做教师，我无悔！做英语教师，我快乐！

英语经典演讲稿6

　　Good evening, my fellow citizens:

　　This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.

　　I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.

　　Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.

　　The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about onehalf as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, onethird as much chance of completing college, onethird as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about oneseventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.

　　This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.

　　The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?

　　One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.

　　We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no secondclass citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?

　　Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.

　　We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.

　　Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.

　　I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.

　　I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.

　　I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a Statesupported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.

　　Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.

　　The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.

　　Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.

　　My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.

　　This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.

　　Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.

　　As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.

　　We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.

　　This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.

　　Thank you very much.

英语经典演讲稿7

　　good morning, my dear teachers and my is my great pleasure to stand here to introduce my k you for your listening. Good afternoon,teachers and my follew y i am going to talk about " my dream "

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